The Siege at Antioch
(1098)
Castles were built to attack towns or other castles. William
of Normandy used four against Domfront in 1052 and built one for his successful
siege of Arques in 1053–4. The army of the First Crusade constructed three at
Antioch. In 1102, Raymond of Toulouse began the famous Mont Pèlerin on a ridge
dominating the city of Tripoli, which only fell long after his death in 1109;
thereafter, the increasingly elaborate castle served as a formidable redoubt of
defence for the city. At Tyre in 1111, Baldwin I built a fortified camp for his
besieging force. At Alençon in 1118, the citizens admitted Fulk of Anjou into
the town and he constructed what the sources refer to as a “park”, an earthwork
camp, as a base for his siege of the castle. Barbarossa built a camp for his
siege of Manfred’s castle near Castelleone in 1186, and the place surrendered
on terms. In 1247, Frederick II created the grandiosely named “city” of
Victoria, but his army was surprised by the besieged Parmans and destroyed. A
camp provided shelter for the besiegers, protected them and their equipment
from sallies, and provided a logistic base, as witness the huge booty of food
seized by the Parmans at Victoria. At the same time, there was an obvious
coercive purpose: Victoria was built only four bow shots away from Parma.
However, fortified camps were not an invariable condition of success: the First
Crusade built none during the siege of Jerusalem. By contrast, during the Third
Crusade very elaborate fortifications ringed the crusader camp before Acre.
Sieges, especially of lesser castles, were often undertaken in a very casual
way if no relief army was anticipated and the place was not strong, but bases
were essential for operations against major fortifications.
There were a variety of stratagems for attacking
fortifications. Wooden castles could be burned, although this was never as easy
as we tend to think. An earthwork slope such as that of the motte made approach
difficult – but not impossible, as the picture of Dinan in the Bayeux Tapestry
shows. Setting fire against timber was by no means easy: Raymond of Aguilers
spoke of mallets set with spikes being hurled at crusader machines during the
final attack on Jerusalem in 1099, and another source tells us that a “newly
invented” machine threw fire at the assault by the Count of Toulouse. The
sources make fairly frequent reference to “Greek Fire” being used by the
Muslims at the siege of Acre. The availability of naphtha and other oil
derivatives in surface deposits probably explains why such fire-throwing was
more common in the Middle East than in the West, where creating any form of
“sticky fire” that could adhere to a wooden palisade and ignite it must have
been difficult – and almost impossible in wet weather.
A frequent stratagem was to undermine or batter down a wall
with a ram or picks under the cover of showers of missiles. The approach of the
attackers could be protected by mantlets, large panels of woven light wood. Armoured
roofs or penthouses could be constructed, most simply of heavy logs leant
against the defending wall, to shelter men working below. Alternatively, the
roof could be mounted on wheels: such structures might be called “cats” or
“sows”. At Nicaea in 1097, most assaults were delivered by penthouses, some of
which sheltered battering-rams. A battering-ram, used to break through the
outer wall of Jerusalem in 1099, was then burned to make way for the
siege-tower that was brought up behind it to dominate the main wall.
Battering-rams suspended in siege-towers were used at Tyre in 1111–12, but the
defenders used grappling irons and ropes to foil them. At Acre during the Third
Crusade, a great ram protected by a penthouse was deployed, but the Muslim
garrison managed to burn it. Edward I used a ram at Stirling in 1304.
Penthouses could be employed to cover troops approaching a wall and to provide
fire-cover: at the first siege of Toulouse in 1211 “cats” of boiled leather
supported the attackers. An enormous wooden penthouse, massively armed, led the
final abortive attack in 1217, in the course of which Simon de Montfort was
killed.
Deep mining was an alternative approach to undermining city
or castle defences. Zengi seized Edessa in 1144 by undermining the walls using
a system of natural tunnels. At Rochester in 1215, part of the curtain wall and
then the southeast corner of the keep were undermined by a deep sap created by
miners: in the case of the latter, the props in the sap were burned with the
aid of the fat of 40 pigs. At Bedford, too, in 1224 the inner bailey and the
keep were mined. In the Holy Land, both Crac des Chevaliers in 1271 and Marqab
in 1285 fell to mining operations. But the success of deep mining depended on
soil conditions: at Dover the soft rock made for easy progress and reduced the
need for careful propping, but the miners with Edward I in Scotland in 1300
were of little use in the siege of marshy Caerlaverock. At Acre during the
Third Crusade, countermining blocked French attempts to bring down the walls.
At Bungay castle in Suffolk, a mine and a countermine, dating from 1174, are
intact. At Alessandria, Barbarossa’s “cat” covered the filling in of the ditch,
supported a siege-tower and served to cover deep mining, but the defenders
managed to collapse the tunnels. Even when mining was successful, the results
were not always decisive; at Nicaea the breach was made late in the day and
filled in overnight, while at Dover and Acre defences were improvised after
breaches were made. Mining was also relatively slow and demanded skilled
labour, which might not be available. Moreover, fortifications could
incorporate design features to prevent it. Heavy batters in front of the wall
could cause shallow mines to collapse before they reached anything vital, while
cisterns could be sited across likely lines of sap, offering the possibility of
flooding diggings. Overall, however, mining was the most consistently
successful tactic used against fortifications.
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